Multilateralism's limits to the control of nuclear (non) proliferation: the Iranian issue as a pretext
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Abstract
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The Government of Iran is defending its inalienable right to research, produce and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, in accordance with article IV of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Opposition to this aim by a large number of international agents, with doubts as to how exclusively “peaceful” the Irani nuclear programme is, clearly shows the drift towards a genuine crisis in international relations. The failure of the NPT Review Conference in May 2005 was the prelude to the rupture in the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) some months later, with negative effects for the international non-proliferation and disarmament strategy. March 2006 saw the Iranian issue become a priority item on the United Nations Security Council’s (UNSC) agenda. The Iranian government’s defiant position with regard to its firm decision to develop its uranium enrichment programme was rejected by the United Kingdom, France and Germany (E-3), as well as the European Union and the United States, with more moderate misgivings expressed by Russia and China. Pressure by the various agents involved in the process led the Board of Governors of the IAEA to inform the UNSC of the Iranian government’s breach of responsibilities in the matter of safeguards. The response from the highest international body responsible for maintaining international peace and security was typically “measured” (step by step) but “progressive”. Incidentally, the question of sanctions overshadows all the UNSC’s meetings and resolutions dealing with this issue. However, the five “nuclear” States (permanent members of the UNSC) cannot agree as to how to deal with the crisis caused by the Iranian nuclear programme. One thing is certain, though, and that is that international law should not be used as a tool at the service of the interests of the States.
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